by Dipo Adebesi | Feb 20, 2017
Our narrow academic focus reinforces the supposed supremacy of the West, writes DIPO ADEBISI (Photograph by: Jennifer Boyer / Flickr)
“University is a place where one should play gracefully with ideas” Stephen Fry told the Phil at Trinity College Dublin in 2010, imploring the audience to free their minds from the shackles of parochialism and one-sidedness, and to do it with style. However, much of our mind-sets are formed by what we learn in lecture halls, and this informs how we interact with each other outside of them. Scanning through the curriculums of many humanities courses available in Ireland, one can find the same parochialism; the same one-sidedness that Fry advocated against. All too often, non-Western schools of thought are undervalued, non-Western thinkers are ignored, and thus the supposed supremacy of the West (indeed, of whiteness) is indirectly promoted.
The strangeness of this academic narrowness in our so-called “post-racial” age cannot be overstated. It is rarely questioned, although questioning it is not always met with grace, for this is not a harmless, unintentional modern development. Its roots lie in a ruthless colonial worldview which gave birth to a system which overwhelmingly benefits those who are, or can pass, as white (particularly white and male). In order to create a fair society for all, we must acknowledge that we still live in this system characterised by Western superiority and that it results in the following problems in universities.
Firstly, it means many humanities students are not receiving a proper education, in the sense that their minds are not being expanded. Instead, minorities are subtly reminded of their “place” while rich, white, heterosexual men have their egos stroked and their pseudo-superiority confirmed. Of course, there is nothing inherently wrong with these men but nor is there anything inherently special about them either that would warrant the subjugation of everyone else. They need not feel threatened by the highlighting of and concern regarding their unfounded privilege in society. Diversity, especially in education, always creates more than it destroys.
Secondly, universities do not just award degrees. They are, fundamentally, the physical manifestations of society’s state of mind and, through their alumni, influencers of it. In the current state of mind, people of colour, women (particularly black women) and the LGBTQ+ community are left out by default – fighting for inclusion, continuously defending and justifying their presence and worth. They are encouraged to adopt a victim mentality and are always aware of their “otherness.” Ultimately, one may argue in light of Trump’s election, they are never truly taken seriously.
This is not to promote pessimism. Instead, the intention is to highlight that it will take more than good intentions to change our thinking regarding race, gender and identity – any sensible person knows that we are all equal. What is concerning is that that equality is not always evident in practice – we need to level the playing field, to change our current system to one where no one is privileged or disadvantaged due to physical characteristics which they did not choose to have and often cannot change. There are few better places to start than universities.
Beyond changing the content of courses, however, we find another problem, namely the lack of ethnic and gender diversity among the professors themselves. Although female professors are reasonably, though not optimally, represented in the humanities, they are scarce in the STEM fields. It can be argued that this is a primary reason for many women shying away from the latter – societal pressures, coupled with a lack of women in leadership positions, often cause them to think that certain fields are not suited to those of their gender. This is also true in the case of non-white students, particularly non-white women who face a storm of stereotypes, both gender- and race-related.
Moreover, seeing an increase in the number of professors from previously underrepresented groups, especially at our top universities, sends a message not only to other members of that group but to society as a whole, to rethink their perceptions of these groups. This will not happen overnight but long-lasting, positive change never does. Ours is a society where bigots are enjoying increasingly more airtime than is ideal. Including them in conversations regarding equality and justice may be undesirable, but excluding those deserving of a place is nothing short of damaging.
by Hiram Moylan | Feb 20, 2017
Scholars At Risk protects academics, artists, writers, and other intellectuals threatened in their home countries, writes Hiram Moylan
Freedom of speech has been a controversial topic in recent times. As a basic human right, it offers a voice to minorities and critics of society. Conversely, it has granted a platform to those who openly speak of hatred and bigotry.
Despite the progression of society in its ability to accept more varied worldviews in the last decade, there are still a number of violations to freedom of speech internationally. One of these is academic freedom; that scholars may teach or communicate ideas or facts without being targeted for censorship, persecution, or imprisonment.
Scholars At Risk (SAR) has spent nearly two decades trying to protect this freedom. SAR is an organisation dedicated to the protection and support of the principles of academic freedom, along with the human rights of scholars internationally. On behalf of academics, artists, writers, and other intellectuals who are threatened in their home countries, Scholars At Risk arranges their sanctuary at other universities in various countries. The reasoning behind its foundation comes from the occasions when scholars attempt to communicate certain ideas that could impact negatively on authorities or political entities, they can face serious consequences, which include unlawful persecution or even death.
Since its formation in 1999 at the Human Rights Program in the University of Chicago, SAR has assisted in the relocation and protection of over 700 academics. Along with transferring them from unsafe and potentially life-threatening situations, SAR also aids these individuals financially and socially, connecting them with other faculty members in their field.
For example, the research of an unnamed public health professor from North Africa into infant mortality rates lead to the discovery that his government were declaring a much lower figure in official reports than reality. When the professor went public with these findings, he lost his job and was imprisoned by the state. This was one of many cases that led to the foundation of SAR.
Over the past 17 years, SAR has been involved in a number of instances where a scholar’s human rights have been infringed. More often than not, those they work with are facing prison sentences or public disgrace. With this, they have also developed a project known as the Academic Freedom MONITOR run by volunteers worldwide. Researchers identify and document attacks on third level academics in order to develop a better understanding of the nature and reasons for these incidents.
In response to the various attacks, SAR coordinates Action Plans that call upon governments and officials to protect the human rights of members of academic communities. The volatile nature of certain political regimes in our world has left many figures in education fearful to disclose their opinions or research, with SAR’s aim being to protect this supposedly inalienable right. Being students in a western society often leaves us ignorant of the struggles of our peers globally.
In “the era of post-truth”, we need to set and continue the standard of respecting academic freedom. Many of the freedoms we take for granted are not respected across oceans and borders, but this can change. Scholars At Risk has protected academics with the same credentials and views as our own lecturers here in Ireland. In defending the academic freedoms of older generations, we ensure our own freedoms for the future, something that because of the current political climate, we might have to live without.
Scholars At Risk’s network stretches to 400 institutions in 39 countries, and consistently look for volunteer help. See scholarsatrisk.org for details.
Pictured is Jatupat “Pai” Boonpattararaksa, a law student and activist imprisoned in Thailand for nonviolent expressive activity
by Kevin Keane | Feb 20, 2017
The sporting celebration of the Olympic Games is marred by under-the-table deals and inhumane planning strategies, writes KEVIN KEANE
Everyone loves the Olympics. What’s not to love? Two weeks of world-class athletics, with unlikely backstories overcoming all the odds to represent their country. Two weeks of racing, shooting, jumping and fierce competition. Two weeks of ultimate sportsmanship. But what happens before the cameras arrive, and after they leave?
Potential hosts of the Olympics fight viciously for their opportunity to become an Olympic city. Salt Lake City bid for the Winter Olympics three times, between 1978 and 2002. Having failed on their first two attempts, the organising team took no chances in 2002; over $1 million dollars were spent on the International Olympic Committee in a successful attempt to court their votes. The ensuing scandal rocked the Olympic world, but does not stand alone in scandal; Olympic bids are regularly dogged with allegations of bribery.
The motivation for such bribery would, on the face of it, seem clear. The Olympics, one would assume, create a massive boost to economies, through tourism, sponsorship and modernisation of infrastructure. That infusion of building is not always positive, however. The recent Olympics in Rio de Janeiro are a prime example of Olympic building that benefits only the very rich, at the expense of both the poor and the environment. Rio’s Olympic Golf Course was built at great expense by Cyrela Real Estate, whose owners have close ties to government officials. The land was in the heart of a national park, and was re-designated for development amid widespread allegations of corruption and collusion.
Even worse than the environmental cost of the Rio Olympics was the human cost. Rio is not just a city of beach resorts and luxury apartments; 1.2 million people live in favelas dotted around the city. Favelas are working-class communities of families who have been in situ for generations; most houses in the favelas were built by the current occupants’ grandfathers, developed and cared for since. One such favela is Vila Autodromo, once home to over 800 families. It stood where the Olympic Park now stands – curled around a lagoon in the South of the city. As soon as Rio’s Olympic bid was confirmed, those families were ruthlessly bought out or simply relocated, most to the poorer, far more economically depressed north of the region. The north of Rio is a very different place to the southern beaches of Copacabana, Maracanã and Deodoro. It is a region dogged by violence, institutionalised poverty and discrimination.
Rather than attempt to address and alleviate these issues, as the true Olympic spirit would mandate, Rio officials made calculated efforts to simply plaster over them. Through the clever manipulation of public transport routes, the journey from the north to the heart of the south transformed from a simple bus journey to a long and arduous trip including three bus transfers and a metro, six months before the Games began.
The Olympics are a mirage – the spirit of fair play and camaraderie they embody encompasses the Athletes’ Village, and often no further. Too often, the Olympics are seen as a boon on emerging economies, a means by which to kick growth up a gear. In reality, the Games translate to crippling debt, cheap and unsafe labour, and increased marginalisation for minority communities.
The Olympic Games can be an extraordinary force for good – to bring the world together under the banner of sport is the oldest form of diplomacy. In order for that benefit to be enjoyed, however, we need to look very carefully behind the veil and to see the populations that are affected. The Olympic motto is Citius, Altius, Fortius- Faster, Higher, Stronger. I would propose a new motto more fitting to the 21st Century- Fairer, Clearer, More Responsible.
by Sam Whelan-Curtin | Sep 16, 2013
“Necessity is the mother of invention” is a phrase that we have all heard so many times that it has become a cliché. Taking a step back from the saying, however, we can find a much more empowering thought, which is that necessity is the mother of innovation.
The recession years have brought a whole host of challenges to innovation, for young people especially. Money is scarce and, without money, even the most brilliant idea can remain an idea and never progress into reality.
There is also opportunity in these lean times, however. When put to the test of making something out of nothing, young people can find the most novel means to create and innovate.
New paths to innovation
Instead of following traditional paths, such as the ever-dwindling graduate entry programs to large corporations, the inventive minds of Ireland’s young people have stepped up.
We’ve seen ideas emerge such as Pitchify, which gives startups a platform to be heard. At the same time, projects such as Wave Change, ChangeNation and others have proven that young people can have real social impact.
The nature of social media presents new ideas every day from a generation that could so easily have gotten lost under the weight of a depressed economy.
With this new vein of entrepreneurship that has come from Ireland’s troubled times, it raises the question of whether young people around the world, in similar or worse climates, have reacted in the same way.
Young entrepreneurs around the world
A recent report, Generation Entrepreneur? The state of global youth entrepreneurship, published in August 2013 by Youth Business International (YBI), says youths globally (defined as those age 18-35) are highly oriented toward the entrepreneurial path.
It also found that entrepreneurship is also one of the most popular means of access into the workforce, with the highest profile of youth entrepreneurship being 60% in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Youth entrepreneurship in the developing world has a good chance of success. There are fewer multinational operations to drive out competition and strong community supports. (Young business owners polled stated that on average 75% of their custom initially was from family and friends).
New business owners drive high growth
High growth companies are usually started by individuals between the ages of 26 – 45 years old
These businesses are not necessarily drivers of employment right now, with 82% in Sub-Saharan Africa having just one employee.
The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) 2011 High Impact Entrepreneurship Global Report states, however: “In most economies a relatively small percentage of strategic or high-growth entrepreneurs generate the bulk of new jobs.” It adds that these “high growth companies are usually started by individuals between the ages of 26 – 45 years old”.
Though the power of youth entrepreneurship is evident, the roadblocks are many. ‘Fear of failure’ and ‘access to finance’ were cited by 54% of respondents to the YBI survey as core reasons for reservations around starting a new business. This varied little across regions.
GEM has identified four critical factors for surpassing these blocks:
- Easing access to finance
- Greater availability of mentorship
- Increasing internet capabilities
- Increased provision of education
The last of those is the most powerful, particularly when the education is specifically on topics related to entrepreneurship.
Let’s encourage young Irish people
Returning to Ireland to close, 29.4% of those surveyed as part of the Generation Entrepreneur report say they see a good opportunity to start a business in the next six months.
With such high levels of confidence, at home and abroad, we must ask what can be done to ensure that these opportunities become a reality.
Author: Sam Whelan-Curtin
by Cian Doherty | Sep 16, 2013
According to Antonio Gutteres, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the situation in Syria is the worst humanitarian crisis since the Cold War. It’s hard not to agree with him, when you consider the statistics. In less than 3 years of conflict, 100,000 people have been killed; more than 2 million have fled the country as refugees; almost 7 million are in desperate need of aid (more than half of them children); and 4.25 million are struggling to survive as internally displaced people (IDPs).
Much is made of the plight of those who have flocked to refugee camps in neighbouring countries like Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey. As grave as their situation is, though, it must be said that those who have escaped Syria are relatively fortunate: they are now safe, and most have proper shelter and access to food, water and medicines. Unlike those who remain in Syria – mostly living in schools, mosques and deserted buildings (or even under clumps of trees) – without these basic essentials.
Recently, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) warned that the conflict had reached “unprecedented levels” and showed no signs of abating.
The Syrian government has added to the hardship by increasing restrictions on the delivery of supplies to opposition controlled areas, compounding the healthcare crisis in many areas. The water and sanitation situation remains of great concern throughout the country with reports of an increase in hygiene related diseases, especially in IDP camps. A July Ministry of Health report stated that up to 60% of public hospitals have limited or no capacity.
The new school year was due to begin on 15th September. As a large number of schools are either occupied by IDPs or damaged, some children – already having missed 2 years of education – will remain without proper schooling. According to Ministry of Education data, almost 2 million children have dropped out of school since the last academic year. That’s nearly 40% of all schoolchildren in grades 1 to 9. Many of these children have been put to work to support households because their fathers are disabled, missing or dead. This situation is all the more tragic for a country so close to reaching universal primary education before the start of the crisis. School gives children a degree of normality and pyscho-social support badly needed in times of conflict, and helps keep them safe from exploitation and forced conscription into armed groups.
Ireland has sought to continue its role as an ‘international good citizen’ with a total contribution to the crisis from the government of nearly €11 million. This makes Ireland’s per capita contribution to Syria one of the largest in the world. The €11 million includes contributions to various UN agencies, the ICRC and Irish NGOs, and supplies of non-food items. For GOAL, an allocation of €650,000 is funding one part of the agency’s humanitarian response programme in Syria, the largest intervention in its 36 year history.
Talk of an international intervention came after reports of the use of chemical weapons on three districts in the suburbs of Damascus had refocused the international community’s attention on Syria. However, the Syrian people cannot understand why they are getting this attention only now when in excess of 100,000 people have already been killed by rockets, bombs, gunfire and grenades. As one Syrian woman put it to a GOAL worker, as news of the attack and the West’s reaction to it filtered through to the part of Northern Syria he was visiting, “So it’s okay for the regime to butcher us in our tens of thousands, as long as they do it with the gun and the bomb?”
Commentators have also been critical of the West’s reluctance to commit to the humanitarian response in Syria. The UN’s request for $5.2 billion remains seriously underfunded. However, there are no clear ‘good guys’ in the conflict, with atrocities undeniably committed by both sides, and with the fractured nature of the opposition, it can be hard to identify who to help. Add to this the effects of Western conditioning by the Iraq and Afghanistan experiences and it may be a little easier to understand the reluctance to get involved. With natural disasters such as the Haiti earthquake, it is also traditionally easier to motivate the international community for an emergency response.
Until the international community launches an adequate humanitarian response, Syrians will continue to die in their thousands.
Author Cian Doherty
