EU ‘Covered Up’ Croatian Border Brutality against Migrants

EU ‘Covered Up’ Croatian Border Brutality against Migrants

HUMANITARIAN

EU ‘Covered Up’ Croatian Border Brutality against Migrants

Amyrose Forder

16th June 2020

 

While COVID-19 figures dip throughout the EU, borders are once more becoming increasingly open. However, this does not apply to the Croatian-Bosnian border, where reports of abuse by police officers against those seeking asylum within the EU have once more come to light. EU officials have also been accused of an “outrageous cover-up” after withholding evidence of a failure by Croatia’s government to supervise this police brutality. This throws a spotlight on both the Croatian government’s human rights record and the apparent willingness of the EU’s executive branch to cover for its failure.

 

Croatia, an EU member state since 2013, is home to the EU’s longest external border. Its closest neighbour is Bosnia-Herzegovina, a country continuously refused entry to the EU. The so-called Balkan Route is a popular course for both migrants and those seeking protection in the EU, arriving through Croatia via Bosnia. In one week in May alone, 2,700 people entered Croatia with 600 of these being non-EU residents. Footage of police brutality along this border, which has since been nicknamed “the game” by asylum seekers, was first reported in 2018. Each night, as asylum seekers attempt to cross the border, squadrons of patrolling police await them. Several incidents have resulted in shootings, while aid workers, border guards and UN officials have reported “systematic abuse and violence” perpetrated by Croatian police along the border, with migrants and asylum seekers beaten, robbed, and stripped of their clothes and belongings.

 

“Officials in Brussels had been fearful of a backlash when deciding against disclosing Croatia’s lack of commitment to a monitoring mechanism”

Further to this horror, the Guardian has reported that internal European Commission emails reveal officials in Brussels had been fearful of a backlash when deciding against disclosing Croatia’s lack of commitment to a monitoring mechanism. The establishment of a commitment to ensure the humane treatment of migrants at the border had been a condition of a €6.8m cash injection announced in December 2018 by the EU to strengthen Croatia’s borders with non-EU countries. Croatian ministers claimed last year that the funds had been handed over to the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Croatian Law Centre to establish the supervisory mechanism. Both organisations deny receiving the money.

 

Images obtained by Border Violence Monitoring Network last month show orange crosses spray-painted on the heads of asylum seekers who have repeatedly attempted to cross the border from Bosnia into Croatia by police. Such ‘branding’ of asylum seekers is degrading behaviour, and particularly uncomfortable in light of cross symbolism targeting predominately Muslim asylum seekers. A father and son who were branded with this cross described border police telling them it was a “cure for coronavirus”. Figures from the Danish Refugee Council, who reopened their operations in Bosnia in 2018, also show the extent of recent violence inflicted on refugees and migrants pushed back to Bosnia from Croatia. In April 2020 alone, 1,641 people were reportedly pushed back. Of these, 445 people reported being denied access to asylum procedures in Croatia upon request, 871 people reported having their identity documents confiscated by border police, 891 people reported violence/physical assault, and 1,253 people reported having their belongings confiscated or set on fire.

 

“Ignoring Croatia’s abuses of migrants at its borders makes the notion that Schengen membership is contingent on respect for human rights just meaningless talk”

The European Commission ruled in October 2019 that Croatia is ready to join the Schengen travel area. Senior Eastern Europe and Balkans researcher at Human Rights Watch, Lydia Gall, has said that “ignoring Croatia’s abuses of migrants at its borders makes the notion that Schengen membership is contingent on respect for human rights just meaningless talk.” 

 

Yet, Croatian prime minister Andrej Plenković has praised his country’s approach to border control in recent months, claiming that the absence of barbed wires along the border is due to the “friendliness” of neighbour Bosnia-Herzegovina. He told reporters in Zagreb: “what we shall do in preventing illegal migration is to respect our laws, international standards and conventions and all humanitarian aspects. If there are any allegations which might be problematic, everything we have heard is verified, checked and investigated.” There has yet to be a public investigation into the reported abuses along their border.

 

 

 

Featured photo by Free To Use Sounds

 

 

Reflecting on the Rwanda Genocide

Reflecting on the Rwanda Genocide

This week, on 7 April, the world marked the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda. In Rwanda itself, the country celebrated a national holiday. What happened during those 100 days in 1994, and what is the political legacy of the genocide today?

 

Twenty-six years ago, in April 1994 – the same year that Nelson Mandela became South Africa’s first black president, and fifty years since the Holocaust – over 800,000 Tutsi Rwandans were brutally murdered by Hutu Rwandan militia. Hutus and Tutsis do not differ on religious, cultural or racial grounds, but instead on economic-based class divisions. Traditionally, Hutus farmed crops, while Tutsis tended the more profitable livestock. Over time, these class divisions became ethnic designations, exacerbated by Germanic imperial and Belgian colonial rule. In the 1930s Belgian rulers introduced the classification of Tutsi or Hutu on Rwandan ID. Although only 10% of the population, the richer Tutsis became local rulers and thus aligned as a symbol of colonial rule. The country’s first post-independence elections in 1961 were won by nationalist majority Hutus, who remained in power until the genocide. 

 

The politics of the genocide was rooted in this ethnic division. Between 1990 and 1993, the Hutu government had been engaging in a war with the Ugandan-based Tutsi rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). In early 1994, the Hutu government’s target widened from this group to the Tutsi minority within their own country. Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana had agreed to a UN-enforced peace agreement with the RPF in Uganda, and soon after his government began arming paramilitary gangs to prepare to attack his own people. The most infamous of these government-backed Hutu militias was a group called Interahmanwe, who used guns and machetes to carry out their attacks. 

 

On 6 April 1994, President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down over Kigali, the Rwandan capital. The culprit remains unknown today. Hutu forces used this moment as scope to begin the pre-planned genocide. It began on 7 April for approximately 100 days, where on average five Rwandans were violently killed every minute. 

 

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the only way the genocide was quashed was through more violence: namely by revenge killings from the RPF. Led by Paul Kagame, an offensive aimed at toppling the Hutu government was successful after the 100 days, but killed a further 200,000 Hutus in the process. Kagame became vice-president, controlling the army. In 2000, he was elected president, a role which he retains today. 

 

It is also important to note what didn’t happen during those 100 days in 1994: international intervention. Global leaders could see the horrific acts unfolding, and yet did almost nothing. The UN did not permit General Roméo Dallaire to increase his 2,500 troops in Rwanda after reporting the Hutu government’s plans, instead, encouraging him to focus on implementing the peace agreement. Moreover, the US actively discouraged UN Security Council involvement – perhaps due to the human-loss and humiliation suffered by the US army in the Battle of Mogadishu, Somalia, the previous year. Bill Clinton has deemed this inaction one of the greatest regrets of his presidency. Samantha Power, the Irishwoman who would become Obama’s human rights advisor and ambassador to the UN, was partially spurred to the humanitarian cause because of Clinton’s action during this time.  

 

More recently, in 2019, Emmanuel Macron ordered a two-year study of the French government’s role in the Rwandan genocide after allegations of complicity with the Hutu-led government. 

 

The political legacy of the Rwandan genocide is difficult to overstate. In the immediate years following, the violence directly contributed to conflict in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo, which became the deadliest war since World War II. Two million Hutus fled Rwanda after the genocide, who then attacked Tutsis in the DRC. 

 

As mentioned, Paul Kagame became president of Rwanda in 2000. A 2015 constitutional referendum means he can now stay in office until 2034. In the 2017 elections, he won a staggering 98.8% of the votes. Yet Kagame’s shaping of Rwandan politics in the shadow of the genocide has been exceptionally mixed. 

 

Let’s look at the good first: Rwanda has been known as the ‘Sweden of Africa’; boasting a growing economy, almost 100% school enrollment for children, and an excellent health insurance scheme for all citizens. It is one of the few East African countries where same-sex relations are not criminalised. More women make up its parliament – 61% – than any other country in the world. Kagame was voted “African of the Year” at the 2018 All Africa Business Leader Awards. He has removed all references to ethnicity from passports, and implemented article 16 into the Rwandan constitution, which states: “All Rwandans are born and remain equal in rights and freedoms”. 

 

Furthermore, many key figures involved in the genocide have been brought to justice through the UN Security Council’s International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), but also through the country’s local gacaca courts, which have trialled almost two million genocide cases. The ICTR indicted 93 people, including the first woman convicted of genocide crimes – former minister for family and women’s affairs, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, for planning and ordering genocide and rape – and convicted media figures for war crimes including incitement of genocide and persecution, the first conviction of the sort since Nurenberg trials in 1946. 

 

And now, the bad: the ICTR’s decision not to prosecute war crimes committed by the RPF in the toppling of the Hutu government has undermined the justice garnered for Tutsi victims. In addition, according to Human Rights Watch, Kagame’s ‘ethnic autocracy’ RPF government in recent years have illegally detained street children in Kigali, targeted and killed refugees from the DRC, and several opposition members and one journalist have been found dead or disappeared ‘in mysterious circumstances’. The government is currently made up of 10% Tutsi members, yet they occupy almost all official positions. A divide remains, if not in name. 

 

The Rwandan genocide remains one of the most chilling and horrifying crimes against humanity since World War II. A mere year later, in 1995, 8,000 Bosnian Muslims were brutally murdered in the Srebrenica genocide, proving that when the world does not respond to such actions, they are condemned to be repeated. A full generation has come to adulthood since the genocide in Rwanda. Perhaps they can guide the country into a more hopeful future. 

 

 

Photo by Sebastiao Salgado

 

 

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STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 6 Pt. 1 + 2

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Has COVID-19 Impeded Free Speech? The “Land of Origins”, COVID-19 and Personal Liberties.

COVID-19 is attacking not only our ability to be heard but also the legitimacy of that voice. The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is one of the many prevalent examples where freedom of speech has been hindered by COVID-19’s continued exponential growth. Unlike other examples I could use, Ethiopia could disproportionately suffer from the stripping of such freedoms.

UK and Refugees: Between Dehumanisation and Demonisation

Detached reporting of asylum crossings in the English Channel resemble “a sports commentator watching a boat race or a tour operator on a whale watching tour.” Dehumanising refugees is is a long-standing problem within UK journalism that is seeping into politics and impacting the lives of those seeking international protection.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 5

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Devoid of Empathy: Greece’s Refugee Policy

The COVID-19 pandemic is pushing more inhumane Greek refugee policies. The revelation by the New York Times that Greece has secretly expelled more than 1,000 asylum seekers, abandoning many of them on inflatable life rafts in the Aegean Sea, is one example of this disturbing trend. Meanwhile, refugees are being locked inside Oinofyta refugee camp while Greece welcomes tourists and allows them to roam freely.

Friendship SPO: ‘Nothing will happen if voices from the field aren’t put on a plateau’

Runa Khan, Founder & Executive Director of Friendship SPO talked to us ahead of this year’s STAND Student Festival about climate migration and Friendship’s work in empowering at-risk communities who face environmental and human rights issues.

The Intersection of Human Rights And Covid-19 Restrictions in Europe

The Intersection of Human Rights And Covid-19 Restrictions in Europe

It is a dangerous time to be living in Europe. As of 29 March 2020, of the ten countries with the most covid-19 related deaths in the world, seven are European, and medical experts and epidemiologists believe the continent could be as far as two weeks away from the peak. The EU has produced a €37 billion emergency fund for sectors impacted by the coronavirus. The outbreak of this virus requires increased involvement by individual governments to protect their populations and ensure procedures are in place to help the most vulnerable. Measures like social distancing, or indeed, cocooning, are necessary and have obvious and immediate implications to ‘flatten the curve’. It is understandable that citizen’s rights such as free movement and public assembly have been temporarily curtailed.

 

But what happens when governments overextend their executive power during a state of emergency? In China, citizens have been instructed to install an app which tracks one’s movement and proximity to others using facial recognition, while in Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has frozen courts, including postponing his own trial concerning three counts of corruption. Across the world, from Somalia to Lesbos to the Mexican border, those living in refugee camps await with bated breath for the potential arrival of the coronavirus. 

 

This month, concerns have been raised regarding the emergency measures introduced by some European democracies. Six European countries – Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Moldova and Romania – have notified the Council of Europe that during this outbreak they will forgo commitment to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) under Article 15 which allows derogation during “public emergency threatening the life of the nation.” Yet it seems unlikely that non-compliance with the ECHR will, in any case, save more lives than continuing compliance. Derogation by these countries could be seen as attempts to limit freedom of the media or freedom of information. 

 

Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, of the right-wing populist Fidesz party, is straddling the line between democracy and authoritarianism after the introduction of an Emergency Powers bill was passed into law this week. It allows Orbán, individually, to rule by decree. He can single-handedly override any existing legislation. As well, the new bill states that the spreading of ‘false’ or ‘true but distorted’ information could lead to a five-year prison sentence, and that all public information concerning government actions must come through him. This clause directly targets freedom of thought and expression, namely anyone – journalist, citizen – critical of Orbán’s actions. Parliament is suspended and there will be no elections while this law is in place. Orbán has been Prime Minister of Hungary since 2010, and in that time has curtailed NGO activity and media independence in Hungary. It is likely his party is taking the ‘opportunity’ afforded by the coronavirus pandemic to implement tighter civic control in line with their populist stance. Because the law has no time period attached to it, MEPs are worried that these measures could continue past the outbreak and curb freedoms for years to come.

 

 

In France, Emmanuel Macron’s new doctrine passed on 22 March has specifically targeted workers’ rights, or “acquis sociaux”, including the right to vacation pay, delaying salary bonuses for low-paid workers, and the power for employers to force overtime work on staff. In Britain, Boris Johnson’s lockdown measures allow for the arrest and detaining of those believed to be infectious, including children, by state authorities. Those detained can be placed in custody facilities for up to 14 days. Doctors can sign death certificates without seeing the patient’s body. Measures like these are a large jump from the Prime Minister’s previous “herd immunity” tactic. For those living hand to mouth across the continent, lockdown measures directly cut through a right to livelihood, food and shelter. In recent days, as Italy enters week 3 of lockdown, a notable increase in social unrest has been reported, stemming from those living in the poorer southern regions where hunger is increasingly rampant. 

Alongside emergency powers aiming to prevent the spread of coronavirus, governments must implement social security measures to help the most vulnerable populations. Citizens can only comply with social distancing and lockdown measures should they have food, shelter, and peace of mind that they will have a livelihood to support themselves and their loved ones once this epidemic is over. We are living in an age of anxiety – and, should you follow President Donald Trump’s rhetoric, a time of war. Covid-19 is the invisible enemy. But, governments should not take this pandemic as an opportunity to over-extend power structures, or exploit humanity. 

 

 

Photo from freepik

 

 

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STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 6 Pt. 1 + 2

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

UK and Refugees: Between Dehumanisation and Demonisation

Detached reporting of asylum crossings in the English Channel resemble “a sports commentator watching a boat race or a tour operator on a whale watching tour.” Dehumanising refugees is is a long-standing problem within UK journalism that is seeping into politics and impacting the lives of those seeking international protection.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 5

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Devoid of Empathy: Greece’s Refugee Policy

The COVID-19 pandemic is pushing more inhumane Greek refugee policies. The revelation by the New York Times that Greece has secretly expelled more than 1,000 asylum seekers, abandoning many of them on inflatable life rafts in the Aegean Sea, is one example of this disturbing trend. Meanwhile, refugees are being locked inside Oinofyta refugee camp while Greece welcomes tourists and allows them to roam freely.

Friendship SPO: ‘Nothing will happen if voices from the field aren’t put on a plateau’

Runa Khan, Founder & Executive Director of Friendship SPO talked to us ahead of this year’s STAND Student Festival about climate migration and Friendship’s work in empowering at-risk communities who face environmental and human rights issues.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 4

Welcome to episode 4 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Vancouver: Harmony for Indigenous and Urban Life?

Vancouver: Harmony for Indigenous and Urban Life?

The beautiful country of Canada, helmed by the Pacific, Atlantic, and Arctic oceans, and famed for its poutine and maple syrup, may soon be the new home of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle. But how is this oft-considered egalitarian country housing its Indigenous peoples? 

 

The 2016 Canadian census suggests that 4.9% of the country’s 35.15 million inhabitants are Aboriginal, or Indigenous. There are 634 recognised First Nations governments spread across the country of Canada, with a majority in the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia. The term First Nations refers to the predominant Indigenous peoples of North America that live below the arctic circle, and are not Inuit people or European-descended Métis people.

 

This month plans were unveiled to rebuild a First Nations reserve for Squamish peoples, who are native to Western British Columbia including Vancouver and Whistler. The new district will be built over an original Squamish area in downtown Vancouver which was destroyed over a century ago by Canadian officials. The government coerced the remaining residents in the original Squamish village to sell their land, after which the residents were placed on a barge bound for the north of British Columbia and their village was razed. Potentially housing up to 10,000 people, this move is vital in securing a safe space for some of Canada’s Indigenous peoples. 

 

The Squamish people, or Skwxwu7mesh in the Squamish language (the 7 represents a glottal pause), are a people who value oral traditions, working without a writing system until the late 18th century upon coming into contact with Europeans. Yet it was not until the 20th century when Europeans and Canadians began speaking with the elders and informants to document their history. Mainly due to the spread of European diseases, such as influenza, and usurpation of traditionally Squamish lands, over the past century, the Squamish population has been severely reduced. 

 

The location for the reserve exists underneath Burrard Street Bridge, across 11.7 acres of disused wasteland. 87% of internal Squamish Nation members voted in favour of transforming this area into a new district: Senakw. Vancouver is a city exponentially growing in popularity for its economic prospects and enviable lifestyle, being enclosed by several beaches, a metropolitan downtown and beautiful mountains, lakes and nature trails a short drive away.  This has, in turn, led to a shortage in affordable housing which Senakw will surely improve. Between 2010-2018, the city gained 40,000 inhabitants, but only 2,300 rental units. 

 

At more than 500 units per acre, and with buildings up to 56 floors tall, when construction of Senakw begins in 2021, the population density will equal that of Hong Kong – a fact that is only permitted because Senakw exists on federal reserve land rather than on city land of Vancouver.

 

Already, the Squamish Nation has helped comprise three Vancouverite First Nations areas’ smaller projects, returning profits to the nation’s members for community development. Permitting, and encouraging, such a development is a sharp rebuke to a common idea in once-colonial cities that Indigenous peoples and urban living are incompatible. 

 

 

Photo by Revery Architecture

 

 

Browse more stories below or sign up to our newsletter to receive our top news straight to your inbox!

 

 

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 6 Pt. 1 + 2

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

UK and Refugees: Between Dehumanisation and Demonisation

Detached reporting of asylum crossings in the English Channel resemble “a sports commentator watching a boat race or a tour operator on a whale watching tour.” Dehumanising refugees is is a long-standing problem within UK journalism that is seeping into politics and impacting the lives of those seeking international protection.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 5

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Devoid of Empathy: Greece’s Refugee Policy

The COVID-19 pandemic is pushing more inhumane Greek refugee policies. The revelation by the New York Times that Greece has secretly expelled more than 1,000 asylum seekers, abandoning many of them on inflatable life rafts in the Aegean Sea, is one example of this disturbing trend. Meanwhile, refugees are being locked inside Oinofyta refugee camp while Greece welcomes tourists and allows them to roam freely.

Friendship SPO: ‘Nothing will happen if voices from the field aren’t put on a plateau’

Runa Khan, Founder & Executive Director of Friendship SPO talked to us ahead of this year’s STAND Student Festival about climate migration and Friendship’s work in empowering at-risk communities who face environmental and human rights issues.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 4

Welcome to episode 4 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

UNCHR’s impact in war-torn Libya?

UNCHR’s impact in war-torn Libya?

Recent investigations from Euronews into the work of the United Nations Refugee Agency, the UNHCR, in Libya has revealed a culture of neglect. The UNHCR, which claims it can only register asylum seekers and refugees  originating from Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Yemen and Somalia, is under fire by human rights activists for its operations in the Northern African state. The UN successfully brokered the Libyan Political Agreement in 2015, but since then militias have remained at battle across the state. 

The UNHCR’s mandate is to find a safe solution for refugees. Therefore, the UNHCR’s main mission in Libya is to register people as refugees and find a solution to evacuate these people out of the country and into a safe space. The EU Trust Fund for Africa counts on the UNHCR to ensure that asylum procedures and policies are in line with human rights standards. 

Many refugees and migrants seeking asylum end up in militia-run detention centres with little to no help from the UNHCR. Since September 2018, six detention centres in Libya have been involved in militia clashes, causing refugees and migrants detained to  seek safety again. Abdelnaser Mbarah Ezam, a Captain at the Ministry of the Interior, Government of National Accord in Libya told Euronews that many migrants in these centres are suffering from depression after believing that registering with the UNHCR would guarantee them acceptance into Europe. 

Euronews spoke directly with many refugees who witnessed and suffered human rights atrocities in these camps, while registered with the UNHCR. Testimonies included instances of abuse, torture and extortion. Libyan coastguards automatically re-incarcerate anyone found trying to cross the Mediterrean, due to provisions under an EU and Libyan agreement signed in 2017. One detention centre, Zintan, reported 700 human beings crammed in one room  without access to adequate food or water. This included approx 120 minors. Since September 2018, twenty-two people in the centre have died of TB. 

Protests at Zintan in June 2019 have included refugees showing banners  stating “We are victims by UNHCR in Libya” and “We are abused by a human rights organisation”.

A whistleblower who previously worked for Libya’s UNHCR agency told Euronews that the UNCHR resembled “ an agency overstretched and out of its depth, with asylum seekers left homeless, deprived of medical care and in legal limbo in an increasingly violent and unstable Libya”. The whistleblower also detailed cases of UNCHR staff accepting bribes from refugees in a (failed) effort to speed up their asylum claims. Additionally, an internal audit found that the UNHCR in Libya  had purchased laptops at inflated prices (eight laptops for just under $50,000) and spent almost $200,000 on flights without making use of competitive bidding. 

According to Euronews, refugees were paying money to get inside the UNHCR’s Gathering and Departure Facility (GDF) in Tripoli.  One refugee awaiting evacuation explained: “The guards who are working at the gate, brought inside Somalian and Eritrean women; they paid 2000 dinars (around 430€) each. We told this to UNHCR, and they asked us not to tell anyone.”

Investigations like this one in Libya should lead to government action and justice for the victims impacted.

 

Photo by Magharebia on Flickr

 

Browse more stories below or sign up to our newsletter to receive our top news straight to your inbox!

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 6 Pt. 1 + 2

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

UK and Refugees: Between Dehumanisation and Demonisation

Detached reporting of asylum crossings in the English Channel resemble “a sports commentator watching a boat race or a tour operator on a whale watching tour.” Dehumanising refugees is is a long-standing problem within UK journalism that is seeping into politics and impacting the lives of those seeking international protection.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 5

Welcome to episode 5 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.

Devoid of Empathy: Greece’s Refugee Policy

The COVID-19 pandemic is pushing more inhumane Greek refugee policies. The revelation by the New York Times that Greece has secretly expelled more than 1,000 asylum seekers, abandoning many of them on inflatable life rafts in the Aegean Sea, is one example of this disturbing trend. Meanwhile, refugees are being locked inside Oinofyta refugee camp while Greece welcomes tourists and allows them to roam freely.

Friendship SPO: ‘Nothing will happen if voices from the field aren’t put on a plateau’

Runa Khan, Founder & Executive Director of Friendship SPO talked to us ahead of this year’s STAND Student Festival about climate migration and Friendship’s work in empowering at-risk communities who face environmental and human rights issues.

STAND Student Podcast: Democratic Republic of Congo Series Episode 4

Welcome to episode 4 of our new podcast series on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Listen in to learn more about the history of the DRC – an intricate web of events that seem to have remained in the shadows.